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Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement Signed

2. The Government of Myanmar and ethnic armed groups have been involved in ceasefire negotiations since 2011 and on 15 October 2015, eight of these groups, including the Karen National Union (KNU), reached a ceasefire agreement. For more than two years, the government has continued to talk to these groups that have not signed the agreement, which has generated deeper confidence, and I would like to express my respect that an agreement has been reached with two other ethnic armed groups. The group`s armed wing, the Kachin Independence Army, has been in regular collision with Myanmar`s military since 2011, when a 17-year ceasefire failed between the two. 5. In addition, the Japanese government supports the reconstruction of communities of people living in areas controlled by ethnic armed groups or who have returned to areas that are signatories to the ceasefire agreement. The Japanese government focuses in particular on the Karen State and has worked with Japanese and international NGOs on more than 20 sites in and around Karen State to build more than 1,000 homes, install solar panels, dig wells and build facilities such as schools, hospitals and bridges, so that residents of these areas can enjoy the benefits of the armistice. Although some NGOs have signed the agreement, some provisions of the agreement do not recognize the concern of some dissenting voices in many ethnic areas, particularly in rural communities. While NCAAs provide mechanisms for consultation and dialogue within rural communities, the development of these provisions and the implementation of consultation mechanisms are from start to down. Compared to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) of Colombia, which outlines some of the concerns of „unarmed“ local/rural populations, such as women, youth and other identity groups, myanmar`s NCA provisions have been defined and enforced by the central government (particularly Tatmadaw). Some of the provisions of the ANCA reveal Tatmadaw`s tacit strategy of remaining in civil affairs, being protected from prosecution for various violations of ethnic minorities and other civilian populations, and consolidating their presence as a viable player in Myanmar`s political institutions. In addition, the NCA represents the interests of certain ethnic elites and neglects the experience of the rural population, which has been affected by the direct violence of ESAs and Tatmadaws during the many years of escalating conflict. Second, at a meeting on March 3, 2017 at the National Centre for Reconciliation and Peace in Yangon, UNFCC presented the government with a nine-point proposal that should be implemented before the NCA is signed.

So far, the government and the bloc have agreed on half of the bloc`s nine-point proposal, but Tatmadaw has not accepted the CCNUFC`s unexplained concerns about ceasefire monitoring, a military code of conduct, delimitation and deployment of troops. Third, some PDOs, including KIO, said they expected some degree of compliance with the government. They proposed the creation of a joint committee between the government, political parties, ethnic armed groups and the army to support the framework of the peace process. The government and the military rejected this request. The government has made these agreements a historic step forward, but there is still no clear timetable for meeting the agreements reached at the conference. 4. At the time of the first ceasefire agreement, as a witness to the international community and as the Japanese Government`s Special Envoy for National Reconciliation in Myanmar, to build trust in both the Government of Myanmar and ethnic armed groups, I did everything I could and worked hand-in-hand with both sides to move this process forward.

Karlinho

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